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Syria

The enemies of the popular revolution: the dictatorial regime and the counter revolutionary reactionary force

Monday 20 January 2014, by Revolutionary Left Current in Syria

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Around two weeks ago, from the date of the famous Geneva Conference 2, which will give birth to a stillborn, a war was waged by Islamist groups and battalions of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) against the reactionary and fascist group of ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, or Dā’ish, according to its Arabic acronym). affiliated with Al-Qaida,

It is necessary to remind that the popular movement was not – especially since last year – subject only to the violence and the unprecedented brutality of the bourgeois dictatorial regime, but was also subjected to the double repression of armed Islamist groups, whose degree of extremism and violence against militants and activists of the popular movement, and also against the popular movement itself, vary from one group to another through the arrests of activists according to various reasons: social practices considered by these reactionary groups as contrary to the teachings of their vision of Islam, such as smoking cigarettes, dresses. D?’ish also shot and arrested demonstrators, or even assassinated numerous activists and some cadres of the FSA known for their commitment to the principles of the popular revolution. The worst of these brutal and reactionary violence actions were committed on a large scale by D?’ish. This led to widespread reaction against the groups to the point where they lost all popular support. Terror and oppression were the only means left to them to impose their control over some areas, particularly in Raqqa, Rif-Idlib and Aleppo. Unrest and popular anger against this group affected even what remains of FSA brigades that still uphold the program of the Syrian revolution demanding emancipation, democracy, equality and social justice. D?’ish pursued a mad ambition to impose its control over many areas that were freed from the control of the regime. This led it to attack brigades of the FSA and even reactionary Islamist factions with whom it shares the same ideological references and attempt to impose on the population a very reactionary political, ideological and social model based on the “principle” of “struggle against evil”. It was at this moment that the “Army of Islam” was established and then the “Islamic Front” in late November 2013 with a reactionary political program comparable to Da3ech ideological thoughts. The Islamic Front actually announced their refusal of “democracy, secularism and civil state » while struggling for a state which sovereignty has to be based on the Shariah as the sole reference, and as the government addressing and organizing the behaviors of individual and of the society and of the State.

Then was born the ” Revolutionaries Front in Syria ‘, composed of some Islamic factions and several brigades of the FSA in order to” establish a good Islamic governance ». There also has been an attempt to promote Jabhat al Nusra as better than D?’ish, despite the fact they are issued from the same reactionary ideology, have the same fascist practices and are both affiliated to al-Qaeda.

The ongoing war between the armed forces is primarily designed to control zones of influence in liberated areas and to try to establish and impose an ideological hegemony on the population through medieval forms of organization, such as « Shariah committees ». The Islamic Front, for example, the largest in terms of number, follows the jihadist Salafist political thoughts advocated by the reactionary regime in Saudi Arabia. For this, we can safely say that – except for a few brigades of the FSA, which have been weakened and marginalized in recent months – that the real objective of rival groups in conflict with D?’ish is not to restore the objectives of the popular revolution to overthrow the regime and establish a free and democratic Syria. They are reactionary forces, motivated by ideological, military and political rivalries to share, if it is not to reach a monopoly of control, of liberated areas.

This bloody conflict, in which the Syrian masses once again are paying the price, helped to expose the jihadist Salafist, intellectually and politically. It has also demonstrated its ravages and monstrosity especially when it is able to impose its domination and implement, even for a short time, its practices. It is safe to believe that many of those who supported Salafist policies or those who remain in their spheres deviated from it realizing they were wrong, or because they were forced to support it by necessity or coercion.

However, the current conflict, on the one hand, increased the opportunity to weaken the reactionary forces and secondly to refresh the independent revolutionary consciousness of the masses. But also to encourage a new start for the popular movement after a period of decline last year as a result of the dual repression of the regime and reactionary counter revolutionary forces as mentioned earlier. In this aspect, the ongoing conflict does not lack of positive aspects. It has not only succeeded in undermining the rule of D?’ish and reduce its repression against the popular movement, but it will most likely lead to the weakening of its sisters factions in other reactionary groups. We are witnessing a revival of popular initiatives after a bitter experience with these reactionary factions. These latter have revealed themselves as a true enemy of the mass struggle and their sacrifices for emancipation.

This revival of the popular movement is also witnessed through the upsurge in popular protests in “liberated” “liberated” at the beginning of the conflict against D?’ish and against its rivals among Islamic reactionary factions. This is why we do not bet on the winning of one of these reactionary factions, but we rely on the continuation of the revolution and its victory. We bet on the revolutionary popular movement in addition to the brigades of the armed popular resistance in the FSA who continue to identify to the objectives of the popular revolution, for its continuity and for the overthrow of the rule of the ruling junta. In its ongoing process, it became clear that the revolution is facing multiple enemies. Firstly, the dictatorial regime and its allies, and secondly reactionary forces hostile to the revolution and their fascist regional allies powers.

On this occasion we condemn the false and dangerous political position of certain structures of the soft liberal opposition linked to some countries of the region that consider the elimination of D?’ish, in addition to the Democratic Union of Kurdistan, as the elimination of all counter-revolutionaries forces,in their eyes. A D?’ish can hide another D?’ish. We call for a broad alliance against two fascisms, of the Salafi jihadists and of the bloody dictatorial regime, around the slogans of the Syrian revolution for freedom, equality, democracy and social justice.

We know that the path for achieving the goals of the revolution is long, difficult and that it will witness victories and setbacks. We are nevertheless absolutely convinced that the flame of the revolution that pushed the masses of workers to rebel will not be turned off until the completion of its demands for emancipation. This requires the revolutionary left in Syria, who hoisted the banner of socialism, of working tirelessly in the context of this complex revolutionary process and is committed for many tasks, the most important are the practical commitment to all the struggles of the masses, anywhere and at any time to defend their demands and their direct and common interests, and at the same time to build the revolutionary socialist workers party.

All power and wealth to the people!

Damascus, January 15 2014

Arabic version